- By Nishi Tigga (Student of Indiancivils.com)
“The hill is our god and the earth our Goddess. Between
the two, we have the rains and water. Those wanting to mine here will slowly
take over all this. Where will we go then?”
This is very a simple question of Dongria
Kondh man from Lakpaddar, Niyamgiri Hills but do we have answer to this
question?
Scientist
all over the world believe that the world exists because nature adheres to the
principles of symbiotic relation. A symbiotic relationship as defined by the ecologists is a
relationship between two entities and which is mutually beneficial for the
participants of the relationship. If one of them suffers the other is bound to
get affected by it. Don’t we see the
principle of symbiosis between the tribals and the forests? Will they not be
subject to destruction if they are
separated from each other suddenly?
History of tribals dates back to where history
of India starts. The first Five year Plan for 1951 to 1956 had a positive
policy for assisting the tribals. The first
plan clearly mentioned that we have to assist the tribals to develop
their natural resources
and to evoke
a productive economic life wherein
they will enjoy the fruits of their own labour and will not be exploited by more
organized economic forces from outside. But after 66 years of independence have
we been able to keep our promises or have we become the very reason threatening
the very aspect of their existence?
The
mining projects both by government and private sectors since independence have displaced
about 60 million tribals. This has
resulted in landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalization,
food insecurity, increased morbidity and mortality, loss to access to common
property resources, social disarticulation, differential risk identities and
risks to also host population. Mining displaced thousands of people from their
traditional sources of sustenance. One can imagine the plight of innocent
people whose communities were shattered along with their meager sources of
livelihood as a consequence of their forced displacement under mega irrigation,
mining, industrial or infrastructure projects. The infrastructure projects
though increases productivity and production to a great extent, are not unmixed
blessings. They give rise to involuntary displacement thereby creating untold
miseries for the ousted as has been experienced in the completed and ongoing
projects.
The mining industry's growth is inextricably linked
to environmental and human right violations. Several million adivasis and
dalits have already been evicted to accommodate mines and related industries,
and several more have been impacted due to land degradation and environmental
imbalances caused by mining. Mining has destroyed the water balance in
drought-prone states like Orissa, Gujarat and Rajasthan. In areas like
Kashipur, Orissa, new mining projects threaten indigenous populations and forests
in the watershed that are critical in replenishing the fresh water resources of
the country. In other areas such as in the coal mines of Jharkhand or the
mica mines of Southern Andhra Pradesh, mining has polluted the air and water
over vast areas leading to a noticeable decline in the health of people living
there
We
have many examples in our country that describes the unbroken history of broken
promises. Jharkhand is one of state
where tribals have been the worst affected. On 15 November 2000, when Jharkhand
came into being, a long standing demand for separate statehood was fulfilled,
not merely to establish a distinct identity but also to do away with the
centuries of injustice. “Development” for the sake of urban lifestyle became
synonymous to up-rooting poor Tribals from their traditional land and
lifestyle. The political-corporate nexus
became active to grab the Tribals’ land, minerals, and other resources became
apparent when over 42 MOUs were signed soon after the state was formed. Reports
of Indian People’s Tribunal on Environment and Human Rights indicate that a
total number of 6.54 million people have so far been displaced in Jharkhand in
the name of development.
A similar situation exists in Chhattisgarh as well. Seven percent of the country’s bauxite, about 198 million
tones, is available in the Sarguja, Jashpur, Kawardha, Kanker and Bastar
districts. It is being mined at present in Sarguja by the now privatized
Sterlite and the Hindalco companies. Hundreds of adivasi families have lost
their lands. In the name of employment one person from the affected family were
employed as lowly paid contract labor. Discontent is rife among these landless
adivasi miners. Sixteen percent of the country’s coal (39,545 million tons) is
to be found in the Raigarh, Sarguja, Koriya and Korba districts of northern
Chhattisgarh. In 2007, the adivasis of Khamariya Village, raising objections to
giving up their lands to the Jindal Coal Mines, were beaten up during in a
public hearing arranged by the district administration.
In Madhya Pradesh the foundations of illegal mining operations
are laid down by benami land deals. In the Satpura Forest Range of the
Betul district, illegal mining operations are carried out on patta lands
given to tribal people for farming under the Forest Rights Act. It has been
reported that families of high profile politicians own many mining companies
that carry out illegal operations in mineral rich areas like Sehore and
Betul. Similar illegal mining operations
are rampant in Andhra Pradesh also. The bauxite mining in the Araku Valley has
been going on in the lands of small tribal farmers. In many cases the Andhra
Pradesh Mineral Development Corporation acted as a front for private companies
and took over lands of small farmers.
Throughout India, Adivasis have become increasingly
conscious and have organized dozens of grassroots movements to oppose further
land-grabs and displacement and they have been asking only one question as to
whose country is it anyway? Can stakeholder agreements and promises to share
mining profits with Adivasi communities help settle these conflicts? The Indian Supreme Court on 18 April 2013
rejected an appeal to allow the company to mine the Niyamgiri Hills. Instead,
it has said that local tribal councils themselves should decide within the next
three months whether or not the project should go ahead. This certainly is a
landmark victory in recognizing indigenous rights in India but the final result
has yet to come.
Union Rural Development Minister Jairam Ramesh
Sunday mooted 20-year moratorium on mining in tribal areas of Andhra Pradesh.
The Union Development Minister also strongly believed that unregulated mining
have resulted to Maoist problem. We
cannot deny this fact that in the recent past we have seen an extreme growth in
the number of Maoists. Mining sector has proved to be devastating for tribal
but we cannot deny the fact that India’s mining industry is an increasingly
important part of the economy, employing hundreds of thousands of people and
contributing to broader economic growth. Roughly 70% of India’s power
generation currently comes from coal. As India's
economy shows signs of slowing, mining remains one of the bright spots on its
horizon. India is the world's third largest producer of coal and the fourth
largest of iron ore. Its mining industry is predicted to grow to $36.2bn by
2016.The
geological survey of India estimates that the country has around 277 billion
tons of coal reserves and the consumption of coal is expected to increase by
around 1500 million tons per year by 2031.
It is
impossible to close down mines but the best possible solution is to take a
middle path and impose moratoriums on fresh mining in the tribal areas. These
moratoriums can be used to stop mining in India’s forests until proper
environmental and social assessments are carried out. Millions of people in
India live near or within forests, and rely on them for their livelihoods.
According to the Centre for Science and Environment around 26000 hectares of
forested land have been diverted for coal mining since 2007. Any new mine will
also need the infrastructure around it, including power plants, roads and rail
– requiring even more land. Therefore keeping the present conditions of mining
sector in mind moratoriums in fresh mining areas is one of the way out to deal with these issues. Moratorium
on developmental projects in tribal territories, will prevent land acquisition
and displacement of tribal communities. The moratorium period can be also used
as a transition phase where a particular tribal society is first developed by
providing them basic need like school; hospital road facility connecting them
to cities; good and healthy living conditions. The government could also start
various skill development program in the village. The government should actively
put more meaningful governance in place for the whole sector.
The government should conduct a study and demarcate those areas only
where mining can be done in a sustainable manner and auction it to the highest bidder.
The government should recover money that has been lost from the illegal mining
carried out all over the country. The government should take necessary action
against those who have violated the law by terminating all leases and making up
for loss suffered by the State. A positive step towards safeguarding tribals’
rights is the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Bill, 2011. The
Bill has been prepared after several rounds of consultation and workshop with
all Stakeholders .It seeks a complete and holistic reform in the mining sector
with provisions to address issues relating to sustainable mining and local area
development, benefit sharing mechanism to the people affected by mining operations.
Mining
firms in India employ hundreds of thousands of people and are seen as a center
of rapid economic growth. But mining can be a uniquely destructive industry if
it is not properly regulated. Irresponsibly run mining operations can damage health,
environment and livelihoods of the same local residents who are meant to benefit
from mining. Every level of social structure is damaged when a mine or metals
factory takes over indigenous people’s
land, their ecologically-attuned economy, strongly egalitarian power
structure, material culture and cultivation systems based on self-sufficiency,
and an identity based on rootedness to the land that often seems very hard for
non-tribals. Imposing moratorium in fresh mining areas will definitely give
them some relief. Indian Government
should take the condition of the tribal seriously. Let’s not mine them out of
existence but stretch our helping hands
and save them and their culture which
they have preserved from times immemorial.
“Only after the last tree
has been cut down. Only after the last river has been poisoned. Only after the
last fish has been caught. Only then will you find that money cannot be eaten.”
